THE  CHURCH 

and 

A WARLESS  WORLD 

The  Next  Stef) — Reduction  of  Armaments 


A CREED  FOR  BELIEVERS  IN 
A WARLESS  WORLD 

Isaiah  2 :2-4 

I. 

We  Believe  in  a sweeping  reduction  of  arma- 
ments. 

II. 

We  Believe  in  international  law,  courts  of  justice 
and  boards  of  arbitration. 

III. 

We  Believe  in  a world-wide  association  of  na- 
tions for  world  peace. 

IV. 

We  Believe  in  equality  of  race  treatment. 

V. 

We  Believe  that  Christian  patriotism  demands 
the  practice  of  good-will  between  nations. 

VI. 

We  Believe  that  nations  no  less  than  individuals 
are  subject  to  God's  immutable  moral  laws. 

VII. 

We  Believe  that  peoples  achieve  true  welfare, 
greatness  and  honor  through  just  dealing  and 
unselfish  service. 

VIII. 

We  Believe  that  nations  that  are  Christian  have 
special  international  obligations. 

IX. 

We  Believe  that  the  spirit  of  Christian  brother- 
hood can  conquer  every  barrier  of  trade,  color, 
creed  and  race. 

X. 

We  Believe  in  a warless  world,  and  dedicate  our- 
selves to  its  achievement. 

Issued  by 

The  Commission  on  International  Justice  and  Good-will 

OF 

The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


105  East  22nd  Street,  New  York  City 


Price,  Fiflcen  Cents 


CONSTITUENT  BODIES  OF  THE 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


Baptist  Churches,  North 
National  Baptist  Convention 
Free  Baptist  Churches 
Christian  Church 
Christian  Reformed  Church 
in  North  America 
Churches  of  God  in  N.  A. 

(General  Eldership) 
Congregational  Churches 
Disciples  of  Christ 
Friends 

Evangelical  Synod  of  N.  A. 


Evangelical  Association 
Lutheran  Church,  General  Synod 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South 
African  M.  E.  Church 
African  M.  E.  Zion  Church 
Colored  M.  E.  Church  in  America 
Methodist  Protestant  Church 
Moravian  Church 

Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  A. 
Presbyterian  Church  in  the  U.  S.  (South) 
Primitive  Methodist  Church 


Protestant  Episcopal  Commissions  on 
Christian  Unity  and  Social  Service 
Reformed  Church  in  America 
Reformed  Church  in  the  U.  S. 
Reformed  Episcopal  Church 
Reformed  Presbyterian  Church; 

General  Synod 

Seventh  Day  Baptist  Churches 
United  Brethren  Church 
United  Evangelical  Church 
United  Presbyterian  Church 


An  Appeal  to  150,000  Churches 

in  America 

1.  To  observe  Sunday,  November  6,  1921,  as  a day  for  special  prayer,  self  examina- 
tion and  supplication  for  God’s  blessing  on  the  International  Conference  on  Limi- 
tation of  Armament,’’  and  to  consider  in  the  sermon  of  that  day  America’s  inter- 
national duties. 

2.  To  hold  special  services  on  November  11,  1921,  as  requested  by  President  Harding 
at  the  time  of  the  opening  of  the  Conference  and  the  holding  of  the  Memorial 
Service. 

3.  To  provide  for  special  meetings  in  every  city  on  Monday,  Tuesday,  Wednesday 
and  Thursday  evenings  (November  7-10)  to  study  the  problems  of  international 
relations,  methods  for  their  solution,  and  limitation  of  armament;  or  if  these  dates 
be  impracticable,  to  consider  these  questions  at  mid-week  meetings  during  succes- 
sive weeks. 

4.  To  unite  in  every  city  in  the  latter  part  of  October  or  in  November  in  holding  a 
public  mass  meeting  on  a real  reduction  of  armament. 

5.  To  cooperate  as  churches  with  other  national  and  local  movements  promoting  the 
demand  for  a real  reduction  in  armament. 

6.  To  emphasize  afresh  in  the  services  on  Thanksgiving  Day  the  Christian  belief  in 
a Warless  World  and  in  a sweeping  reduction  of  armament  as  an  imperative  and 
immediate  step  toward  the  ultimate  goal. 

7.  To  continue  throughout  the  sessions  of  the  Conference  to  study  its  proceedings 
and  to  pray  for  its  success. 

V V 

The  Federal  Council  has  cabled  to  the  Church  Federations  in  England,  France 
and  Japan,  suggesting  similar  observance  of  November  6 and  11  by  the  churches 
of  those  countries. 

V V 

The  World  Alliance  for  International  Friendship  Through  the  Churches  which  met 
at  Geneva,  September  14,  1921,  comprising  twenty-three  National  Councils,  the  Presi- 
dent being  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Vice-President  being  the  Archbishop  of 
Sweden,  and  the  Chairman  of  the  International  Executive  Committee  being  Dr. 
Nehemiah  Boynton  of  the  United  States,  is  appealing  to  Christians  in  all  nations  to 
observe  Sunday,  November  6,  as  a day  of  prayer  for  the  Conference.  The  Twenty- 
three  National  Councils  of  the  World  Alliance  are  those  in  America,  Great  Britain, 
Denmark,  France,  Germany,  Holland,  Italy,  Norway,  Sweden,  Switzerland,  Finland, 
Belgium,  Esthonia,  Greece,  Austria,  Czecho-Slovakia,  Roumania,  Jugo-Slavia,  Bulga- 
ria, Japan,  Turkey,  Spain  and  Portugal. 


2 


A Call  to  Prayer  and  Consecration 

} ALL  WHO  LOVE  OUR  LORD  JESUS  CHRIST: 

The  coming  Conference  on  Limitation  of  Armament  brings  to 
all  Christian  people  a priceless  opportunity.  To  all  good  citizens' 
indeed,  and  to  all  lovers  of  humanity,  it  is  a time  of  challenge  and 
of  hope,  but  supremely  so  to  those  who  have  seen  in  Jesus  Christ 
a revelation  of  love  and  brotherhood  as  the  true  way  of  life.  To 
bear  convincing  witness  everywhere  to  this  faith  is  our  privilege 
and  our  duty  in  the  present  crisis. 

With  harrowing  memories  of  more  than  ten  million  men 
who  laid  down  their  lives  in  the  awful  holocaust  from  which  we 
have  just  emerged,  of  the  countless  homes  bearing  burdens  of  anguish  and  suffer- 
ing, of  the  desolation  and  pestilence  that  have  sprung  from  the  war  and  still  ravage 
whole  peoples,  and,  most  of  all,  of  the  aftermath  of  bitterness,  suspicion  and  hate 
which  pervade  all  lands,  let  us  insist  far  more  vigorously  than  we  have  ever  done 
before,  that  war  is  an  unmitigated  curse  to  humanity  and  a denial  of  the  Christian 
Gospel.  Let  us  declare  plainly  that  in  every  war  the  Son  of  Man  is  put  to  shame 
anew  and  that  every  battlefield  is  a Calvary  on  which  Christ  is  crucified  afresh. 

Let  us  not  shrink  from  proclaiming  unequivocally  that  war  is  not  a necessity,  that 
the  pacific  settlement  of  every  international  question  is  possible,  that  a warless  world 
can  really  be  achieved.  Our  witness  must  be  unmistakable  that  force  is  not  the  final 
arbiter  among  the  nations,  but  that  justice,  reason  and  good-will  can  control  their  life 
as  well  as  the  life  of  individual  men.  To  continue  to  point  to  the  mailed  fist  as  our 
ultimate  reliance  and  to  carry  on  a program  of  mutual  distrust  and  fear,  is  to  under- 
mine the  very  foundation  of  our  Christian  faith. 

Let  there  be  throughout  the  Church  a fire  of  holy  indignation  not  only  against  war 
but  also  against  the  mad  competition  in  armaments  which  has  nourished  suspicion, 
ill-will  and  fear,  and  from  which  wars  have  always  sprung  and  always  will.  Let  us 
not  allow  the  reduction  of  armaments  to  be  regarded  as  an  economic  issue  alone.  The 
question  is  at  heart  a moral  and  religious  one.  Let  us  repeat  from  one  end  of  the 
nation  to  the  other  the  discerning  words  of  our  Government  s official  invitation  to  the 
Conference  : “The  rivalries  of  armaments  are  not  only  without  economic  justifica- 

tion, but  are  a constant  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  world. 

Let  us  pray  unceasingly  that  the  Spirit  of  God  may  guide  our  leaders  assembled 
at  the  conference  of  the  nations,  that  unselfish  motives  and  wise  counsels  may  pre- 
vail. Let  us  give  ourselves  unstintedly  to  cultivating  a Christian  public  opinion  so 
strong  that  it  will  make  possible  the  richest  results  from  their  deliberations.  We  can- 
not be  satisfied  with  a mild  curtailment  of  our  military  expenditure.  Nothing  less 
than  a far-reaching  reduction  in  armaments  on  sea  and  land  can  suffice.  It  is  not  for 
us  to  dictate  the  specific  plans  by  which  the  longed-for  goal  may  be  achieved,  but 
insist  we  must,  with  all  the  passion  of  our  souls,  that  rational  and  pacific  methods 
must  now  be  found  for  the  settlement  of  international  disputes. 

With  a more  poignant  realization  than  we  have  ever  had  before  of  the  terrible  con- 
sequences of  national  selfishness,  let  us  humbly  confess  our  own  share  of  sin  in  par- 
ticipating in  the  race  of  armaments,  in  seeking  our  own  advantage  regardless  of 
neighbors,  in  adding  to  the  world’s  burden  of  suspicion  and  distrust.  Let  us, 
as  a people,  open  wide  our  hearts  to  the  divine  spirit  of  love  and  brotherhood  re- 
vealed to  us  in  its  fullness  by  Jesus  Christ.  Let  us  dedicate  ourselves  anew  to  build- 
ing in  this  war-ridden  earth  the  City  of  God  foretold  by  the  mouth  of  prophets  since 
the  world  began. 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 


3 


The  Church  and  the  Conference  on  Limitation 

of  Armament 

SUNDAY,  NOVEMBER  6,  1921  — A Special  Day  of  Prayer 


SUGGESTED  ORDER  OF  SERVICE 

Organ  Prelude 

Opening  Sentences  by  the  Minister 

O worship  the  Lord  in  the  beauty  of  holiness:  let  the  whole  earth  stand  in  awe  of  him.  For  He 
cometh.  He  cometh  to  judge  the  earth:  and  with  righteousness  to  judge  the  world,  and  the  people  with 
H is  truth.  Let  all  the  people  praise  Thee,  O God,  let  all  the  people  praise  Thee.  Let  the  nations 
rejoice  and  be  glad:  for  Thou  shalt  judge  the  people  righteously,  and  govern  the  nations  upon  earth. 

Invocation  : 

O Thou  King  Eternal,  immortal,  invisible.  Thou  only  wise  God  our  Saviour,  hasten,  we  beseech 
Thee,  the  coming  of  Thy  kingdom  upon  earth,  and  draw  the  whole  world  of  mankind  into  willing  obedi- 
ence to  Thy  reign.  Cast  out  all  evil  things  that  cause  wars  and  dissensions,  and  let  Thy  Spirit  rule  the 
hearts  of  men  in  righteousness  and  love.  Manifest  Thy  will  in  the  brotherhood  of  man  and  the  bringing 
in  of  universal  peace  and  good-will.  1 o this  end  bless  our  worship  this  day  with  Thy  loving  benediction. 

Hymn:  "O  Worship  the  King,  all  glorious  above,’  or 

“0  God  of  Love,  O King  of  Peace.’ 

Responsive  Reading  (followed  by  Gloria). 

Psalm  46  or  27. 

Antbem  : 'How  lovely  are  the  messengers  that  bring  us  the  tidings  of  peace.” 

Scripture  Reading:  Micah  4:1-5;  6-8;  Luke  10:25-27. 

Hymn  : 'God  the  All  Terrible  . . . Give  to  us  peace  in  our  time,  O Lord, ” or 

’O  God,  our  Help  in  Ages  Past. 

Pastoral  Prayer 

Offertory 

Notices  : 

(If  desired  the  Call  to  Prayer  and  Consecration  may  be  read.) 

Sermon  : The  Vision  of  a Warless  World — Isaiah  2 :2-4. 

Prayer  for  a Warless  World: 

O God,  Father  of  all  mankind,  whose  throne  is  established  in  righteousness,  and  whose  dwelling  is 
eternal  peace;  have  mercy  upon  Thy  weak  and  weary  children,  who  have  not  found  the  way  through 
righteousness  to  peace.  Have  pity  upon  the  toiling  masses  of  mankind,  bent  beneath  the  burdens  of  the 
making  of  war,  shadowed  by  fears,  suspicions,  and  longlasting  hatreds,  unable  to  come  out  into  the  large 
places  of  trust  and  brotherhood.  Send  us,  O God,  times  of  a better  and  more  brotherly  spirit. 

Let  Thy  blessing  be  with  the  delegates  from  the  nations,  as  they  gather  and  take  counsel  concerning 
the  things  that  make  for  peace.  Give  to  each  and  all  of  them  largeness  of  vision,  calmness  of  temper, 
the  spirit  of  true  judgment,  a deep  and  ever-present  sense  of  the  miseries  which  war  brings  upon  mankind, 
and  an  unwavering  faith  in  the  possibilities  of  human  progress.  Enable  them  to  see  the  better  way,  and 
to  chart  it  truly  for  the  time  to  come. 

May  Thy  Spirit  brood  over  the  Conference,  bringing  out  of  the  chaos  of  our  bewildered  and  dis- 
ordered world  a new  order  of  righteousness,  peace  and  joy  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  wherein  all  men  shall 
dwell  as  children  of  God  in  the  home  of  their  Father. 

This  we  ask  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  Master  of  the  hearts  of  men,  and  Leader  of  their  hopes. 
Amen. 

Hymn:  "It  Came  Upon  tbe  Midnight  Clear,’’  or 

'Where  cross  the  crowded  ways  of  life.  Where  sound  the  cries  of  race  and 
clan.” 

Benediction 


4 


Suggestions  for  a Sunday  School  Service 

Sunday,  November  6,  1921 


The  following  very  brief  service  may  be  introduced  without  disarranging  the  regular  order  of  service,  and 
may  be  helpful  in  directing  the  thought  of  the  pupils  to  the  Conference  and  its  great  significance. 

Scripture  Reading:  Micah  4:1-4. 

Address,  five  minutes,  by  the  Superintendent  or  Pastor  or  some  one  selected  by  the  Superintendent. 

The  address  might  well  include  such  points  as  the  following: 

1.  What  is  the  Conference  on  Limitation  of  Armaments?  How  was  it  called  and  who  compose  it? 

2.  Facts  concerning  the  cost  of  armaments  at  present;  our  naval  program;  what  might  be  done 
with  the  millions  thus  spent,  if  put  in  schools,  churches,  missions,  playgrounds,  hospitals,  etc. 

3.  The  power  of  prayer  for  the  Conference,  and  for  universal  peace  and  good-will. 

Where  practicable,  union  Sunday  school  rallies  and  processions  might  well  be  arranged  for  Armistice  Day, 
November  1 1 , with  more  extended  addresses  to  children  and  young  people  on  the  necessity  of  right  interna- 
tional and  inter-racial  attitudes  for  reduction  of  armaments  and  for  a warless  world. 

A children’s  pageant  entitled  “Uncle  Sam’s  Choice”  (15  min.),  by  Miss  Anna  Cope  Evans,  suitable 
for  use  in  Sunday  Schools  and  other  groups  of  young  people  or  as  a feature  in  connection  with  public  gather- 
ings can  be  secured  from  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  (price  twenty  cents). 

Significant  Declarations 

“Christ  alone  carries  love  across  the  gulf  of  race  and  nation,  and  seeks  to  make  mankind  genuinely 
one.” — Robert  E.  Speer. 

“I  have  lived,  sir,  a long  time,  and  the  longer  I live  the  more  convincing  proofs  I see  of  this  truth,  that 
God  governs  the  affairs  of  men,  and  if  a sparrow  cannot  fall  without  His  notice,  is  it  probable  that  an  Empire 
can  rise  without  His  assistance?  I firmly  believe  that  without  His  aid  we  shall  succeed  in  our  political 
building  no  better  than  the  builders  of  Babel.  We  shall  be  divided  by  our  little  partial  local  interest;  our 
projects  will  be  confounded,  and  we  ourselves  shall  become  a reproach  and  byword  to  future  ages.  And 
what  is  worse,  mankind  may  hereafter,  from  this  unfortunate  instance,  despair  of  establishing  governments  by 
human  wisdom,  and  leave  it  to  Chance,  War,  and  Conquest.” 

- — Benjamin  Franklin,  on  moving  that  prayers  he 
offered  at  the  opening  of  each  day's  session  of  the 
Constitutional  Congress  of  the  United  States,  1787. 

“If  the  clergymen  of  the  United  States  want  to  secure  a limitation  of  armaments,  they  can  do  it  now 
without  further  waste  of  time.  . . . The  responsibility  is  entirely  on  the  professing  Christians  of  the 
United  States.  If  another  war  like  the  last  one  should  come,  they  will  be  responsible  for  every  drop  of  blood 
that  will  be  shed  and  for  every  dollar  wastefully  expended.” — General  TASKER  H.  Bliss. 

“There  is  no  more  inconceivable  folly  than  this  continued  riot  of  expenditure  on  battleships  at  a time 
when  great  masses  of  humanity  are  dying  of  starvation.” — HERBERT  Hoover. 

“The  obstacle  (to  disarmament)  which  seems  to  me  the  greatest  ...  is  one  which  we  will  not 
admit  exists,  and  that  is  the  reliance  which  we  have  come  to  have  on  force  as  tlqe  only  power  left  on  earth 
with  which  to  govern  men.  ...  I refuse  to  concede  that  force  is  the  only  power  left,  or  that  it  should 
be  the  dominating  and  controlling  power.  It  cannot  be  possible.  Reason  and  justice  must  still  have  their 
place  in  the  affairs  of  the  world,  and  if  leaders  and  statesmen  are  strong  enough  to  place,  their  reliance  upon 
them,  they  will  go  far.” — SENATOR  Borah. 

“I  cannot  conceive  of  any  greater  disaster  than  the  failure  of  the  Conference  to  achieve  the  ends  for  which 
it  is  called.  It  is  essential  that  all  should  help  make  it  a success.  We  can  all  help.  We  can  help  by  pro- 
moting good-will,  by  not  saying  unkind  things  about  other  nations,  by  disarming  our  minds  before  we  reduce 
our  fleets.” — Lord  Northcliffe. 


5 


SUGGESTED  TOPICS 


( For  suggestive  material  on  each  of 

Sunday,  November  6,  1921 
THE  VISION  OF  A WARLESS  WORLD 

Isa.  2:2-4;  Isa.  9:6-7,  Zach.  9:9-10. 

(Suggestive  note:  In  the  first  passage  Isaiah  not  only 

describes  the  goal  of  a warless  world,  but  also  the  essen- 
tial steps  to  its  achievement.) 

1.  “He  will  teach  us  of  His  Ways” — God’s  im- 
mutable moral  laws  of  justice,  righteousness, 
truth,  brotherhood  and  service. 

2.  “We  will  walk  in  His  paths” — man’s  deter- 
mined will  to  obey  and  practice  those  laws, 
repudiating  the  politics  of  force. 

3.  “He  will  judge  between  the  peoples” — the 
pacific  settlement  under  the  Divine  Rule  of 
all  international  disputes. 

Results 

4.  “The}’  shall  beat  their  swords  into  plow- 
shares”— “Neither  shall  they  learn  war  any 
more” — disarmament,  transformation  of  in- 
struments of  destructive  warfare  into  tools 
of  productive  industry. 

V 

Monday,  November  7,  1921 1 

THE  STAGGERING  BURDENS  OF  A 
WARRING  WORLD 

Joel  3:9-15—2:1-6. 

1.  The  Economic  Cost. 

2.  The  Cost  in  Race  Degeneration. 

3.  The  Social  Cost. 

4.  The  Moral  and  Religious  Cost. 

1 On  this  and  each  of  the  following  evenings,  the  suc- 
cessive sub-topics  might  be  discussed  by  different  speakers 
in  15-20  minute  talks.  If  the  dates  suggested  be  im- 
practicable, the  topics  can  be  used  at  other  times. 


the  topics,  see  the  following  pages.) 

Tuesday,  November  8,  1921 

CAUSES  OF  THE  BIG  ARMAMENTS 
OF  THE  WARRING  WORLD 

James  3:13 — 4:2. 

1.  Economic  Causes. 

2.  Political  Causes. 

3.  Psychological  Causes. 

4.  Moral  Causes. 

V 

Wednesday,  November  9,  1921. 

PROBLEMS  BEFORE  THE  CONFERENCE 
ON  LIMITATION  OF  ARMAMENT 

Prov.  1:1-3,  7-9,  24-31;  6:16-19;  15:1-4. 

1.  Problems  of  National  Security. 

2.  Problems  of  International  Justice. 

3.  Special  Problems  of  the  Pacific. 

V 

Thursday,  November  10,  1921 

THE  DISTINCTIVE  CONTRIBUTION  OF 
THE  CHURCH  IN  ESTABLISHING 
A WARLESS  WORLD 

Micah  6:6-8;  Matt.  5:38-48. 

1.  The  Contribution  of  non-Religious  Groups 
and  Specialists. 

2.  The  Moral  and  Religious  Contribution  of 
the  Church. 

3.  Some  Searching  Questions. 

4.  A Creed  for  Believers  in  a Warless  World. 

V 

Friday,  November  11,  1921 

THE  GREAT  DECISION  TO  ACHIEVE 
A WARLESS  WORLD 

Josh.  24:14-15;  Matt.  4:1-11. 

1.  The  Alluring  Temptation  of  Militarism. 

2.  The.  Choice  of  a Master. 

3.  Dedication  to  the  Achievement  of  a Warless 
World. 


6 


The  Staggering  Burdens  of  a Warring  World 

( Topic  suggested  for  Monday,  November  7,  1921.) 


The  Nations  are  reeling  and  staggering  to- 
day under  their  terrible  burdens.  Thejr  squan- 
dered their  incomes  in  “adequate  preparedness” 
before  1914,  each  nation  assured  by  its  leaders 
that  full  preparedness  would  save  them  from 
the  greater  expenses  and  tragedy  of  war. 

They  little  realized  that  the  huge  and  costly 
armaments  of  the  leading  nations  was  itself 
one  of  the  compelling  reasons  why  they  were 
plunged  into  war.  Big  preparedness  proves  to 
be  not  “insurance”  against  war,  but  for  it. 

The  losses  they  have  suffered,  the  pain  and 
sorrow  they  have  endured,  the  inconceivable 
debts  they  have  incurred — frightful  handicaps 
for  future  generations, — the  continued  neces- 
sity of  maintaining  armaments  even  larger  and 
more  costly  than  before,  the  loss  of  workers, 
the  collapse  of  industry  and  commerce,  the 


dissatisfaction  of  large  classes  causing  serious 
social  and  political  disorder,  the  moral  disaster 
of  deepened  enmity,  suspicion  and  fear — these 
are  the  crushing  burdens  under  which  the 
nations  are  staggering. 

A Stunning  Question 

Will  Germany  win  the  war  after  all?  Being 
compelled  to  disarm,  she  has  stopped  her 
bloated  budgets  for  armaments.  Her  yearly 
payments  for  reparations  are  less  than  what 
either  France,  England  or  America  has  elected 
to  spend  the  past  year  on  their  respective  arma- 
ments. Germany  is  hard  at  work  producing, 
the  sure  and  only  road  to  recovery  and  pros- 
perity. England,  France  and  America  are  still 
lagging  in  production  and  at  the  same  time  are 
wasting  enormous  sums  maintaining  their 
“preparedness”  programs. 


Significant  Declarations 

“The  lessons  of  the  last  six  months  should  be  enough  to  convince  everybody  of  the  danger  of  nations 
striding  up  and  down  the  earth  armed  to  the  teeth.  . . . Unless  some  such  move  is  made  (reduction  of 
armaments)  we  may  well  ask  ourselves  . . . whether  we  are  doomed  to  go  headlong  down  through  de- 

structive war  and  darkness  into  barbarism.”— GENERAL  JOHN  J.  PERSHING. 

“Something  should  be  done  as  soon  as  possible  to  check  the  growth  of  armaments,  especially  naval  arma- 
ments.”— Theodore  Roosevelt. 

“If  we  do  not  destroy  war,  war  will  destroy  us.” — Lord  BRYCE. 

“Competition  in  armaments  means  the  wreck  of  civilization  throughout  the  world.” — GILBERT  MURRAY. 

“The  piling  up  of  armaments  is  causing  general  bankruptcy,  anarchy  and  perpetual  and  universal  war. 
If  governments  do  not  agree  simultaneously  to  limit  armaments,  they  commit  suicide.” 

— Baron  d’Estournelles  de  Constant. 

“Productive  labor  is  staggering  under  an  economic  burden  too  heavy  to  be  borne  unless  the  present  vast 
public  expenditures  are  greatly  reduced.  It  is  idle  to  look  for  stability  or  the  assurance  of  social  justice  or  the 
security  of  peace,  while  wasteful  and  unproductive  outlays  deprive  effort  of  its  just  reward,  and  defeat  the 
reasonable  expectation  of  progress.  . . . There  can  be  no  final  assurance  of  the  peace  of  the  world  in  the 
absence  of  the  desire  for  peace,  and  the  prospect  of  reduced  armaments  is  not  a hopeful  one  unless  this  desire 
finds  expression  in  a practical  effort  to  remove  causes  of  misunderstanding  and  to  seek  ground  for  agreement 
as  to  principles.” — Hon.  CHARLES  E.  Hughes. 


STARTLING  STATISTICS 

( For  the  sources  of  the  following  statistics,  cf.  “The  Next  War,’’  by  Will  Irwin,  “The  Staggering  Burden  of 

Armament,’ ’ published  by  World  Peace  Foundation ) 


The  Cost  of  the  Great  War 


Direct  cost  not  counting  interest $186,000,000,000.00 

All  costs,  direct  and  indirect,  including 
loss  of  shipping,  damaged  property, 
loss  of  production,  etc $355,291,719,815.00 

Cost  of  all  wars,  1793-1910 $23,000,000,000.00 


Cost  of  World  War,  1911-1918.  .$186,000,000,000.00 
V 

Loss  of  Life 


Killed  in  Battle  19,658,000 

Increased  death  rate 30,470,000 

Decreased  birth  rate 40,500,000 


Total  89,628,000 


V 

National  Debts 

1913  1920 

United  States  of 


America  $1,028,000,000.00  $24,974,000,000.00 

Great  Britain 3, 4S5, 000, 000.00  39,314,000,000.00 

France  6,346,000,000.00  46,025,000,000.00 


V 

Army  and  Navy  Appropriations 


1912  1921 

Great  Britain $351,044,000.00  $1,121,318,000.00 

Japan  : 93,576,000.00  282,357,000.00 

United  States  244,177,000.00  1,422,752,000.00 


Preparedness  Expenditures 


U.  S.  Army  U.  S.  Navy 

1881  $40,466,461.00  $15,686,672.00 

1891  48,720,065.00  26,113,896.00 

1901  114,615,697.00  60,506,978.00 

1911  160,135,976.00  119,037,644.00 

1921  771,530,000.00  651,222,000.00 


V 

The  average  tax  paid  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment in  1920  by  each  person  was  $43.64.  For 
what  was  it  spent? 

United  States  Expenditures,  1920 


I. 

Past  Wars 

$2,890,000,000.00 — 63.2  per  cent 

II. 

Future  Wars  

1,348,000,000.00 — -29.4  per  cent 

Past  and  Future 

Wars 

92.6  per  cent 

III. 

Civil  Departments. . 

220,000,000.00 — 4.8  per  cent 

IV. 

Public  Works 

65,000,000.00 — 1.4  per  cent 

V. 

Research,  public 

health,  education 

and  development. . . 

59,000,000.00 — 1.3  per  cent 

Total 

$4,582,000,000.00 

A Suggestion.  The  foregoing  startling  sta- 
tistics can  be  made  impressive  for  audiences  by 
drawing  them  to  scale  on  large,  black  and  white 
posters,  the  black  portion  filled  in  with  a brush, 
using  India  ink.  These  statistics  might  be 
posted  in  the  vestibule  of  the  church  and  in 
other  public  places. 


V 


Three  Big  Navies 

(In  1924) 


GREAT  BRITAIN 

UNITED  STATES 

JAPAN 

Built  Bldg. 

Total 

Built 

Bldg. 

Total 

Built  Bldg. 

Total 

Battleships  with  guns  14"  and  up 

14  — 

14 

11 

10 

21 

4 

4 

8 

Battle  cruisers 

14  — 

14 

— 

6 

6 

4 

2 

6 

Smaller  battleships  

14  — 

14 

8 

— 

8 

3 

— 

3 

Smaller  cruisers 

4 — 

4 

• — 

— 

— 

10 

3 

13 

Light  Cruisers 

62  7 

69 

3 

10 

13 

— 

— 

— 

Destroyers  

190  — 

190 

CO 

<M 

30 

317 

99 

— 

99 

Submarines  

98  — 

98 

100 

66 

166 

13 

— 

13 

In  August,  1921,  Great  Britain  voted  to  build  four  new  battleships  bigger  and  heavier  than 
any  yet  existing,  because  of  America’s  undiminished  speed  in  her  naval  program.  These  new' 
British  battleships  have  not  yet  been  begun. 


8 


What  Has  Created  the  Big  Armaments 
of  a Warring  World? 

(For  Tuesday , November  8,  1921.) 


The  causes  direct  and  indirect  are  many  and 
intricate.  They  have  also  been  quite  natural. 
An  over  simple  analysis  does  not  tally  with  the 
facts.  To  establish  a warless  world  we  must 
face  the  facts  and  all  the  facts. 

It  is  not  enough  to  say  to  the  nations — “be 
good.”  We  must  find  out  what  it  is  to  be  good 
in  this  modern  world  and  we  must  establish 
suitable  international  agencies,  so  that  we  can 
be  good.  We  must  do  much  hard-headed,  cool- 
hearted,  clear-minded  and  creative  thinking. 

The  principal  direct  and  indirect  causes  of 
big  armaments,  and  also  of  the  recent  world 
war,  are  the  following: 

1.  Science,  steam  and  electric  power  and 
standardized  production  by  machinery,  have 
given  the  advanced  nations  extraordinary 
powers  of  expansion  and  aggression. 

2.  Creation  of  wealth  and  massing  of  capital, 
control  of  disease  and  increase  of  population, 
with  demand  for  more  food  and  for  abundant 
raw  material,  have  caused  the  progressive 
nations  to  reach  out  long  arms  into  all  the 
world. 

3.  The  existence  of  many  absolutely  inde- 
pendent sovereign  governments,  each  responsible 
only  to  its  own  people  for  their  welfare  has  led 
to  conscious  and  scheming  rivalry  and  the  adop- 
tion by  several  governments  of  the  policy  of 
economic  imperialism.  By  diplomacy,  intimida- 
tion and  intrigue  they  have  sought  for  expan- 
sion of  commerce  and  for  the  political  control 
of  those  backward  geographical  areas  on  which 
they  were,  or  expected  to  be,  dependent  for  food 
and  raw  material. 

4.  Suspicion  and  fear  of  neighbors  have  led 
each  government  to  build  up  its  own  defensive 
system.  This  practice  antedates,  indeed, 
human  history.  But  it  has  reached  modern 
proportions  because  the  discoveries  of  science 
have  been  effectively  utilized. 

5.  The  massing  and  mobilizing  for  war  of  the 
entire  power  of  each  nation  has  become  pos- 
sible by  popular  education,  growing  nation- 
alism, increasing  political  centralization,  and 
growing  inter-relation  and  co-operation  of 
commerce,  industry  and  politics. 


6.  Acts  of  one  people  or  Government  with 
no  thought  or  intention  of  ill-will,  have  often 
brought  harm  to  neighbor  nations,  arousing 
feelings  and  acts  of  retaliation  growing  into 
settled  mutual  hostility. 

7.  The  modern  system  of  finance  has  enabled 
Governments  through  loans  and  credits  not  only 
to  utilize  to  the  full,  existing  wealth,  but  to 
discount  and  mortgage  their  futures  and  thus 
to  create  big  armaments  otherwise  impossible. 

8.  The  modern  system  of  treaties,  open  and 
secret,  have  produced  groups  of  “powers”  com- 
mitted to  assist  each  other  under  certain  con- 
tingencies, thus  increasing  fears  and  suspicions 
and  making  swollen  war  budgets  inevitable  in 
every  land. 

9.  Vast  private  manufacturing  enterprises, 
producing  munitions  and  other  materials  need- 
ed by  armies  and  navies  have  deliberately  culti- 
vated international  suspicions  and  fears  for 
purposes  of  private  gains. 

10.  A materialistic,  unchristian  philosophy, 
justifying  the  right  of  strong  peoples  to  take 
and  to  dominate  the  earth,  has  stimulated 
selfish  nationalistic  ambitions  and  rivalries. 
The  doctrines  that  mere  might  gives  right ; 
that  moral  laws  do  not  bind  nations ; that  the 
weak  must  go  to  the  wall;  that  victors  may 
ignore  the  needs  of  the  vanquished  and  may 
exploit  them  and  their  resources — these  in- 
human doctrines  of  materialism  have  led  to 
vast  national  crimes,  and  to  deep-seated  hatreds 
and  plans  for  revenge. 

11.  The  will  to  avert  the  fate  of  the  vanquish- 
ed, if  not  positively  to  win  the  prize  of  the 
victor,  has  been  a mighty  modern  cause  of 
super-armaments. 

12.  The  people  of  every  land  and  age  hate 
war.  If  so,  why  have  wars  come?  Because 
they  have  usually  been  misinformed  by  the  rul- 
ing cliques.  The  real  and  full  facts  in  the  case 
are  seldom  told  them.  The  issues  are  more  or 
less  falsified  in  order  to  arouse  the  power  of  en- 
thusiastic patriotism.  Even  where  they  partly 
know  the  facts  they  have  no  adequate  machinery 
for  the  control  of  ambitious  or  scheming  poli- 
tical leaders.  And  they  are  today  ominouslv 
exposed  to  the  schemes  of  a sensational  press. 


9 


Problems  Before  the  Conference  on  Limitation 

of  Armaments 

( For  Wednesday,  November  9,  1921.) 


If  we  are  to  have  a warless  world  the  nations 
must  adopt  policies  that  will  produce  world- 
wide feelings  of  mutual  confidence,  of  national 
security,  and  of  certainty  of  receiving  just 
international  treatment.  So  long  as  nations 
are  suspicious  and  afraid,  so  long  as  they  really 
feel  that  neighbors  are  potential  bullies  and 
possible  robbers  and  that  their  only  hope  of 
maintaining  safety,  of  receiving  due  considera- 
tion and  respect,  and  of  securing  justice,  lies  in 
their  own  right  arms,  there  is  little  chance 
for  a sweeping  reduction  of  armaments.  On  the 
contrary  increasing  armaments,  increasing  in 
deadly  power  and  in  ruinous  cost,  will  be  in- 
evitable. So  long  as  international  security, 
consideration  and  justice  depend  on  national 
brute  force,  so  long  will  armaments  exist  and 
grow. 

What  then  are  the  major  problems  to  be 
solved  ? 

1.  Problems  of  Justice 

What  is  justice?  How  can  it  be  judged?  Is 
any  nation  really  competent  to  know  what 
justice  requires  in  any  case  in  which  its  own 
interests  are  involved?  Is  a plaintiff  competent 
to  act  as  both  jury  and  judge? 

As  between  France  and  Germany,  for  in- 
stance, each  of  which  has  suffered  so  much 
from  the  other  during  the  past  two  centuries, 
is  either  country  able  to  judge  or  appreciate 
what  justice  requires? 

Or  as  between  Japan  and  America,  is  either 
one  really  competent  by  itself  alone  to  know 
what  justice  requires?  Do  not  special  inter- 
ests and  partial  knowledge  make  impartial  judg- 
ment practically  impossible? 

The  problem  to  be  solved  here  is  the  creating 
of  suitable  disinterested,  unprejudiced  and 
universally  trusted  agencies  to  study  the  facts, 
to  make  them  known  to  all  the  world,  to  render 
decisions  in  the  light  of  universally  accepted 
principles,  and  to  ensure  their  acceptance. 

2.  Problems  of  Security 

Whenever  a proposal  for  curtailment  of 
armament  is  made,  the  question  of  national 
security  at  once  arises — naturally  and  inevit- 
ably so — and  it  is  a question  that  it  would  be 
sheer  folly  to  ignore.  However  much  our  imagi- 
nations may  respond  to  the  dream  of  beating 
all  our  swords  into  plowshares,  we  have  to  face 
the  stern  realities  of  the  actual  world  in  which 


we  live.  Whatever  we  are  to  do,  we  must  pro- 
vide for  the  safety  of  our  country. 

This  much  of  fundamental  truth  there  is  in 
the  argument  of  those  who  insist  on  a program 
of  so-called  “preparedness.”  But  is  it  true 
that  military  preparations  really  afford  this 
security?  The  answer  is  an  unequivocal  “no,” 
for  as  soon  as  one  nation  makes  a large  outlay 
of  arms  and  battleships,  other  nations  immedi- 
ately do  likewise.  No  one  nation,  consequently, 
is  in  a stronger  position  relative  to  the  others 
than  it  was  before. 

Not  only  do  armaments  not  afford  security, 
but  they  actually  create  insecurity,  for  the  com- 
petition in  armaments  creates  an  atmosphere  of 
suspicion,  distrust  and  rival  scheming,  which  is 
the  most  subtle  foe  to  peace  and  safety.  The 
possession  of  powerful  and  increasing  military 
and  naval  forces  unquestionably  stimulates  the 
development,  both  by  their  possessors  and  by 
their  rivals,  of  policies  they  would  not  otherwise 
entertain.  For  national  security  we  need  more 
than  anything  else  the  good-will  and  mutual 
confidence  which  are  now  being  undermined  by 
rival  armaments. 

More  than  this,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  the  expenditure  of  vast  sums  upon  army 
and  navy  actually  weakens  the  defensive  power 
of  a nation,  for,  as  Mr.  Frank  Cobb  has  so 
convincingly  pointed  out  in  the  August  issue  of 
“The  Atlantic  Monthly,”  in  a day  when  wars 
are  waged  not  by  armies  but  by  whole  peoples 
the  defensive  power  of  the  nation  lies  in  its  eco- 
nomic resources.  The  real  strength  of  the  na- 
tion is  being  drained,  not  added  to,  by  an  ex- 
penditure upon  armament  which  has  constantly 
to  be  replaced.  “The  stronger  a nation  is  eco- 
nomically, the  better  prepared  it  is  to  defend 
itself ; the  weaker  it  is  economically,  the  less 
prepared  it  is  to  defend  itself,  even  if  every  man, 
woman  and  child  is  carrying  a gun.” 

It  would  appear,  therefore,  that  when  the 
question  of  security  is  really  scrutinized,  a gen- 
eral reduction  of  armaments  on  the  part  of  the 
nations  would  lessen  the  safety  of  none  and  add 
to  the  vital  resources  of  all.  For  the  mainte- 
nance of.  internal  order,  small  armies  will  be 
necessary,  but  no  good  purpose  is  served  by  the 
competitive  armaments  of  the  present  day. 

3.  Special  Problems  in  the  Pacific 

The  secondary  problems  are  many  and  in- 
tricate. Their  solution,  however,  is  by  no  means 


10 


impossible  if  the  primary  problem  has  been 
solved.  The  following  may  be  mentioned : 

1.  China  s Problems 

(a)  The  Shantung  Question. 

(b)  Special  "rights”  and  "concessions”  to 
many  nations. 

(c)  "Territorial  integrity”  and  "the  open 
door.” 

(d)  Stable  and  orderly  government. 

(e)  Financial  obligations  to  many  nations. 

2.  Japan  s Problems 

(a)  Growing  economic  dependence  on  the  Asiatic 
mainland  for  food  and  raw  material. 

Important 

The  success  of  the  Conference  for  the  Limita- 
tion of  Armament  vitally  depends  on  the  adop- 
tion by  the  Conference  of  certain  fundamental 
principles. 

A.  The  Principle  of  Open  Agreements. 

The  age  when  a few  diplomats  or  statesmen 
conferring  in  private  can  wisely  make  great 
and  fateful  decisions  for  entire  nations  has 
passed.  The  peoples  must  know  what  the  deci- 
sions of  their  statesmen  are  and  the  reasons 
for  those  decisions.  This  principle  does  not 
of  course  prevent  statesmen  and  diplomats  from 
meeting  privately  and  considering  together 
their  great  and  difficult  tasks.  They  should  by 
all  means  establish  those  personal  relations  that 
are  so  needful  for  full  mutual  understanding. 
But  the  principle  does  preclude  secret  bargain- 
ing and  the  making  of  personal  agreements  that 
are  not  made  public,  much  less  the  reasons  for 
them. 

B.  The  Principle  of  the  Open  Door. 

This  means  equality  of  opportunity  granted 
to  all  by  all  for  trade  and  for  every  kind  of 
economic  enterprise.  If  forbids  special  dis- 
criminatory privileges  for  special  nationalities, 
established  by  military  force,  by  intrigue  or  by 
diplomacy.  This  principle  is  not  of  course  to 
be  confused  with  free  trade  nor  with  freedom 
for  mass  immigration.  These  are  domestic  ques- 
tions which  each  country  must  regulate  accord- 
ing to  its  own  needs,  problems  and  judgments. 

C.  The  Principle  of  Equality  of  Race 

T reatment. 

This  means  that  every  civilized  nation  grants 
to  all  aliens  who  come  under  its  jurisdiction, 


(b)  Need  for  a stable  and  orderly  government  in 
China  that  can  maintain  uninterrupted  trade 
with  Japan. 

(c)  Growing  population. 

(d)  Emigration. 

(e)  Demands  of  honor  for  the  abolition  in  the 
West  of  race  discriminatory  legislation  against 
Japanese  and  for  the  universal  adoption  of 
the  principle  of  the  equality  of  race  treat- 
ment. 


3.  America's  Problems 

(a)  Protection  from  Asiatic  mass  immigration, 
especially  of  Asiatic  laborers. 

(b)  Security  for  Pacific  Island  possessions,  par- 
ticularly the  Philippines  and  Hawaii. 

(c)  Equality  of  trade  opportunities  in  the  Far 
East. 


Principles 

equality  of  legal  status  and  treatment  without 
regard  to  race,  color  or  creed.  This  does  not 
carry  with  it  the  necessary  granting  of  privi- 
leges of  citizenship  to  all  without  regard  to 
personal  qualifications.  Each  nation  must 
decide  for  itself  the  standards  of  qualification 
which  aliens  must  have  to  receive  the  privileges 
of  citizenship ; but  whatever  those  standards 
may  be,  they  are  to  be  applied  to  all  aliens 
without  regard  to  race.  Equality  of  race  treat- 
ment has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  ques- 
tion of  the  restriction  of  immigration  or  of  the 
intermarriage  of  races. 

D.  The  Principle  of  the  Pacific  Settlement 
of  every  International  Dispute. 

This  means  that  the  nations  voluntarily 
agree  to  submit  for  settlement  by  the  Inter- 
national Courts  of  Justice  or  by  general  Arbi- 
tration or  Conciliation  Boards  every  difficulty 
which  they  cannot  solve  by  their  own  diplo- 
matic agents. 

E.  The  Principle  of  Mutual  Reduction  of 
Armaments. 

This  means  that  the  nations  have  the  “will 
to  peace,”  honestly  plan  to  settle  their  disputes 
by  law,  reason  and  good-will  and  positively 
reject  all  purposes  to  use  force  to  invade,  in- 
jure or  intimidate  their  neighbors. 

In  the  Washington  Conference  it  will  doubt- 
less be  found  that  wholesome  discussion  and 
agreement  on  Far  Eastern  Problems  and  poli- 
cies will  be  more  easily  secured  after  effective 
agreements  have  been  made  to  disarm  rather 
than  before. 


11 


Conditions  Essential  to  Success  of  the  Conference 

If  the  Washington  Conference  is  going  to  succeed  in  its  valiant  attempt  to  reduce  world 
armaments  and  promote  world  peace,  certain  conditions  must  be  fulfilled. 


1.  Imagination  and  Faith 

Members  of  the  Conference  need  to  think  out 
and  think  through,  new  methods  for  relating 
the  nations  so  that  they  may  live  together  in 
intimate,  mutually  helpful  cooperation.  This 
will  need  a high  order  of  creative  imagination. 
Faith  also  is  needed,  the  faith  of  delegates  and 
of  nations  in  each  other,  in  an  Eternal  Purpose 
of  righteousness  at  the  heart  of  the  universe, 
and  hence  in  the  practicability  of  ideals.  Faith 
begets  faith  even  as  suspicion  begets  suspicion. 

2.  Frankness  and  Sincerity 

The  representatives  of  each  Government 
should  state  clearly  and  fully  and  publicly  what 
the  international  policies  and  programs  are  of 
their  respective  Governments. 

3.  International  Good-will 

The  representatives  of  each  Government  need 
to  convince  those  of  the  other  Governments  that 
they  and  their  Government  have  no  selfish  am- 
bition or  private  purpose  that  endangers  the 
existence,  the  honor,  the  rights  or  the  prosperity 
of  other  nations,  and  that  the  privileges  and 
rights  which  they  seek  for  their  own  people  are 
compatible  with  the  interests  and  rights  and  wel- 
fare of  all. 

4>.  Agreements  and  Obligations 

Each  Government,  through  its  delegates, 
should  be  prepared  to  enter  upon  effective  agree- 
ments to  cooperate  in  the  reduction  by  each  of 
its  own  armaments,  in  maintaining  each  other’s 
security  and  in  promoting  the  impartial  ad- 
ministration of  international  justice.  Govern- 


ments have  and  should  accept  their  international 
obligations  as  faithfully  as  they  seek  their  in- 
ternational rights  and  privileges. 

5.  Effective  International  Agencies 

The  concrete  expression  of  the  principles 
stated  above  is  the  creation  of  a permanent 
Society  of  Nations,  a World  Court  of  Justice, 
and  Boards  of  Arbitration  and  Conciliation. 
In  this  modern  world  these  agencies  seem  ab- 
solutely necessary  for  the  development  of  inter- 
national law,  for  the  administration  of  inter- 
national justice,  for  the  rational  and  pacific 
settlement  of  disputes  that  do  not  clearly  come 
under  treaties  or  explicit  laws,  and  for  the 
effective  maintenance  of  peace. 

If  intrigue  for  selfish  privilege,  if  sordid 
motives,  unscrupulous  methods  and  dishonest 
utterances,  and  if  the  sinister  forces  of  race 
prejudice,  race  arrogance  and  the  spirit  of  re- 
venge, that  have  played  so  disastrous  a role  in 
past  history,  can  be  banished  from  the  Confer- 
ence— if,  in  a word,  genuine  confidence  in  each 
other  can  be  established  at  the  Conference,  its 
success  will  be  assured. 

Above  all  things  else,  this  Conference  calls — 
let  us  dare  to  say  it — for  vision,  for  moral  and 
spiritual  idealism.  It  needs  to  be  led  by  what 
Christians  call  the  Spirit  of  God,  to  have  what 
the  followers  of  Jesus  term  the  mind  of  Christ. 
Whatever  be  the  forms  of  faith  of  its  members, 
it  calls  for  spiritual  devotion  to  those  ideals 
of  humanity  which  all  nations  at  their  best, 
share  with  each  other.  For  our  own  repre- 
sentatives, let  us  pray  without  ceasing,  that 
God  may  guide  them  with  his  own  hand. 


What  the  Conference  May  Rightly  be  Expected  to  Accomplish 


American  citizens  may  surely  expect  the  Con- 
ference not  to  adjourn  until  it  has  reached  some 
very  definite  and  important  results.  At  the 
very  least  these  should  include  the  following: 

1.  Acceptance  of  the  principle  that  Interna- 
tional Conferences  dealing  with  vital  interests 
of  the  nations  shall  be  open  to  the  public  as  a 
general  rule,  with  suitable  provision  for  execu- 
tive sessions. 


2.  Adoption  of  joint  agreements  between  the 
United  States,  Great  Britain  and  Japan  mak- 
ing large  and  immediate  reductions  in  their  re- 
spective naval  budgets. 

3.  Generous,  wholesome  and  united  action  re- 
garding their  relations  to  China,  ceasing  their 
rival,  aggressive,  economic  policies,  and  helping 
her  to  the  effective  establishment  of  orderly 
Government  and  the  maintenance  of  right  in- 
ternational relations. 


12 


The  Distinctive  Contribution  of  the  Church  in 
Establishing  a Warless  World 

( For  Thursday , November  10,  1921.) 


Is  there  indeed  any  distinctive  contribution 
which  the  Church  can  and  should  make  to  the 
success  of  the  Conference?  Has  the  Church 
any  essential  part  in  establishing  a warless 
world? 

Chemists  and  physicists  declare  that  future 
wars  will  be  ever  more  dreadful  and  costly, 
more  tragic  and  destructive.  Economists  de- 
clare that  bankruptcy  lies  ahead  of  the  nation 
and  of  the  world  if  the  present  war-system  is 
continued.  Sociologists  declare  that  unemploy- 
ment will  increase,  that  misery  will  grow,  that 
civilization  itself  will  decay  and  finally  collapse 
if  the  mad  race  for  armaments  between  great 
nations  is  indefinitely  continued.  Biologists 
declare  that  the  human  breed  will  degenerate 
in  proportion  as  we  send  our  best  and  fittest 
young  life  to  the  shambles  for  wholesale 
slaughter. 

These  positive  and  important  declarations 
by  unquestionable  authorities  convince  us  that 
ways  must  be  found  for  preventing  future  wars. 
Each  group  of  scientists  makes  his  distinctive 
contribution.  That  contribution,  however,  we 
should  note  is  negative — Thou  shalt  not.  They 
do  not  go  far  in  pointing  the  way  nor  in  making 
it  a reality. 

Jurists,  statesmen  and  legislators,  however, 
come  forward.  They  also  make  their  distinctive 
contributions.  They  insist  that  world  peace 
can  come  between  the  nations,  only  as  it  has 
measurably  come  between  individuals,  by  the 
organized  action  of  those  who  are  peace-loving 
and  law-abiding.  For  world-peace  nations 
must  unite  to  establish  international  law,  courts 
of  justice  and  boards  of  arbitration;  and  these 
must  be  supported  by  the  moral  sanctions  and 
enforced  by  the  united  power  of  the  co-operat- 
ing nations.  These  authoritative  spokesmen 
have  already  devised  the  social  and  political 
machinery.  They  are  saying  to  the  nations : 
“This  is  the  way,  walk  ye  in  it.” 

Does  the  Church  have  a distinctive  contribu- 
tion to  make?  Has  it  any  word  as  important 


and  as  authoritative  as  that  of  the  groups  just 
mentioned? 

Most  assuredly  it  has.  It  declares  on  the 
highest  authority  that  men  of  every  nation  and 
race  are  brothers,  children  of  the  Heavenly 
Father ; that  above  all  nations  is  humanity ; 
that  men  and  peoples  of  every  land  and  race 
have  inalienable  rights;  that  justice,  fair  treat- 
ment and  good-will  between  peoples  and  races 
are  inescapable  obligations,  immutable  moral 
laws  ordained  of  God ; that  their  violation  is  sin 
and  brings  terrible  disaster  and  if  persisted  in, 
final  destruction. 

In  the  Message  of  the  Church,  it  is  not 
man’s  voice  that  speaks  but  God’s. 

“Ye  have  heard  that  it  was  said  Thou  shalt 
love  they  neighbor  and  hate  thine  enemy.  But 
I say  unto  you,  Love  voui  enemies  and  pray 
for  them  that  persecute  you.” 

“Be  not  overcome  of  evil,  but  overcome  evil 
with  good.” 

“What  doth  Jehovah  require  of  thee  but  to 
do  justly,  and  to  love  kindness,  and  to  walk 
humbly  with  thy  God?” 

Such  are  God’s  commands. 

But  the  Church  has  more  than  a Message ; 
more  even  than  God’s  commands.  In  addition 
to  the  word  of  authority  addressed  to  the  mind, 
the  Church  brings  its  own  unique  gift  of  the 
spirit  to  change  the  hearts  and  the  wills  of  men. 
It  not  only  gives  the  command — Thou  shalt, 
but  it  adds  the  word — Thou  canst.  It  trans- 
mits the  Spirit  of  Christ — a miracle  occurs  ; — 
hate,  fear,  suspicion,  greed,  selfishness  vanish, 
and  the  spirit  of  brotherhood,  justice,  good- 
will, service,  take  their  place  in  the  hearts  of 
those  who  become  Christian — who  become  true 
followers  and  disciples  of  Jesus. 

It  has  become  clear  that  no  merely  intel- 
lectual message  however  cogent,  no  appeal  to 
the  “enlightened  self-interest  of  mankind”  can 
establish  a warless  world.  Men’s  hearts  must 
be  changed.  There  must  come  into  the  life  of 
millions  of  men  the  spirit  of  good-will,  of  fair 

13 


play,  of  justice.  Deeds  of  good-will  and  service 
can  alone  disarm  suspicion  and  fear.  Spiritual 
disarmament  must  precede  physical  disarma- 
ment. Not  until  nations  stop  hating  and  fear- 
ing and  suspecting  each  other,  not  until  they 
develop  confidence  in  each  other’s  good  inten- 
tions can  we  expect  any  very  sweeping  reduc- 
tion of  armaments.  “A  sound  and  wide  view 
of  national  interests,”  says  Lord  Bryce  ; “teach- 
ing peoples  that  they  would  gain  more  by  co- 
operation of  communities  than  by  conflict,  may 
do  much  to  better  those  relations.  But  in  the 
last  resort  the  question  is  one  of  moral  progress 
of  the  individual  men  who  compose  the  com- 
munities.” 

The  unique  message  and  work  of  the  Church 
then  is  to  insist  that  our  people  shall  possess 
the  right  spirit  ; that  we  shall  have  a spirit  free 
from  greed,  prejudice  and  arrogance;  that  ours 
may  be  a spirit  of  brotherliness  and  good-will 
and  sincerity,  a spirit  of  unselfish  service  and 


comradeship  in  the  great  venture  of  interna- 
tional and  inter-racial  life. 

Mankind  has  come  to  another  crossroads  in 
its  fateful  history.  To  the  left,  controlled  by 
the  spirit  of  pride,  arrogance,  selfishness,  greed 
and  ambition  lies  the  road  to  conflicts,  to  arma- 
ments, to  wars,  to  destruction. 

To  the  right,  controlled  by  the  spirit  of 
good-will,  of  justice,  of  truthfulness,  of  co- 
operation, lies  the  road  to  harmony,  to  dis- 
armament, to  social  welfare,  to  peace. 

The  Church  holds  in  its  hands  the  keys  of  life 
and  death.  Its  work  is  to  create  in  men  and 
in  nations  and  races  that  spirit  of  justice,  of 
brotherliness,  of  unselfish  service,  of  co-opera- 
tion. This  is  the  way  of  life  for  men  and  for 
nations,  and  the  only  way.  This  spirit  must 
dominate  our  nation  if  the  Conference  is  to 
reach  any  large  degree  of  success.  To  secure 
this  is  the  distinctive  contribution  of  the 
Church. 


Some  Searching  Questions 


In  our  efforts  for  a warless  world,  it  is  not 
enough,  as  we  have  now  seen,  to  call  attention 
merely  to  the  economic  damage  of  war,  to  the 
staggering  burdens  of  debt  and  taxation,  to 
race  degeneration  or  even  to  the  ominous  moral 
disaster  evident  in  renewed  animosities,  bitter 
rivalries  and  burning  desires  for  revenge. 

Behind  and  below  all  these  lies  the  fact  of 
sin  ; terrible,  national  sin.  The  nations  and  the 
peoples  have  long  been  transgressing  God’s  im- 
mutable, moral  laws.  The  question  before  the 
nations  is  not  merely  one  of  more  or  less  arma- 
ments. It  is  at  bottom  a question  of  obedience 
or  disobedience  to  the  eternal  laws  that  men 
should  love  one  another  and  should  bear  one 
another’s  burdens. 

There  has  been  sin,  deep,  black  and  revolt- 
ing. There  must  also  be  repentance  and  re- 
generation, deep,  genuine  and  permanent.  Un- 
less the  nations  gather  at  the  Conference  with 
repentant  hearts  and  changed  wills,  that  Con- 
ference will  make  shipwreck  on  the  rocks  and 
reefs  of  national  selfishness  and  its  accompany- 
ing diplomacy. 

Nations,  like  individuals,  are  prone  to  see  the 


motes  in  the  eyes  of  others  and  to  ignore  the 
beams  in  their  own  eyes.  This  is  a temptation 
to  which  America  especially  is  exposed.  Yet 
we  have  the  Lord’s  word  for  calling  such  an 
attitude  hypocrisy.  As  Americans  we  need 
primarily  to  inquire  about  our  own  spirit,  our 
own  conduct. 

Have  we  loved  our  enemies?  Have  we  been 
really  friendly  to  our  neighbors,  to  Mexico  on 
the  south,  and  to  Japan,  that  rising  Oriental 
power  across  the  Pacific?  Or  have  we  had  our 
eyes  fixed  chiefly  on  their  misdeeds  and  our  con- 
sequent losses?  How  much  heed  have  we  paid 
to  our  deeds  and  their  losses?  And  how  about 
our  spirit  in  dealing  with  them?  Our  patri- 
otism, moreover,  is  it  narrowly  nationalistic? 
Does  our  sense  of  human  brotherhood  demand 
for  men  of  other  nations  and  races  the  same 
rights  and  privileges  which  we  desire  for  our- 
selves ? 

These  are  serious  and  sobering  questions. 
They  are  questions  that  our  pastors  should 
press  home  on  the  consciences  of  our  people. 
Should  not  our  churches  announce  in  clarion 
tones  the  call  to  repentance  from  our  own  sins 


14 


and  forgiveness  of  those  who  have  sinned  against 
us? 

And  is  it  not  true  that  we  have  sinned  not 
merely  as  a nation,  but  also  as  a Church.  Has 
the  Church  not  left  undone  things  that  it  ought 
to  have  done — in  the  teaching  of  brotherliness, 
good-will  and  helpfulness?  Have  we  steadily 
cultivated  the  spirit  of  Christ  in  our  thought 
of  Germans  and  Russians  and  Japanese — 
during  recent  years?  Are  the  Churches  of 
America  even  now  doing  all  that  they  should 
be  doing  for  abolishing  war  and  in  combatting 


and  destroying  those  teachings  and  that  spirit 
that  create  armament  and  induce  war? 

Does  the  Church  of  today,  like  the  apostolic 
Church,  through  the  power  of  the  Spirit,  rise 
above  barriers  of  race  and  nation?  Can  the 
modern  church  really  fulfill  its  function  in  the 
world  and  make  its  true  and  distinctive  and 
absolutely  essential  contribution  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  a warless  world,  unless  and  until  it 
does  beget  among  its  millions  of  members  the 
mind  and  the  heart  of  Christ  in  their  relations 
with  other  peoples  and  other  races? 


The  Practical  Conclusion 

“Be  ye  doers  of  the  word  and  not  hearers  only,  deluding  your  own  selves.” 

“Faith  apart  from  works  is  dead.” 

“Be  not  overcome  of  evil  hut  overcome  evil  with  good. 

“Not  everyone  that  saith  unto  me.  Lord,  Lord,  shall  enter  into  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven,  but  He  that  Doeth  the  Will  of  my  Father  who  is  in  Heaven. 


HELPFUL  LITERATURE 


SPECIAL  PACKAGE  OF  PAMPHLETS  (25  CENTS) 

The  Church  and  a Warless  World.  The  Next  Step — Reduction  of  Armaments. 
The  Next  War,  by  Will  Irwin — 4-page  leaflet. 

Shall  We  End  War?  by  Harry  Emerson  Fosdick — 16  pp. 

The  Staggering  Burden  of  Armament,  by  Edward  Cummings. 

On  the  Trail  of  the  Truth  About  Japan,  by  William  Axling. 

Facts  About  the  Japanese  in  California,  American  League  of  Justice. 

Order  from  the  Federal  Council,  105  East  22nd  Street,  New  York  City. 


I.  On  the  Necessity  for  Reducing  Armaments 

The  Next  War,  by  Will  Irwin,  161  pages,  special 
price,  if  ordered  by  pastors  from  the  Federal 
Council,  $.85  including  postage. 

Now  It  Can  be  Told,  by  Philip  Gibbs,  400  pp., 
$3.50,  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  N.  Y. 

The  Fruits  of  Victory,  by  Norman  Angel,  335 
pp.,  $3.00,  The  Century  Co.,  N.  Y. 

II.  On  the  Pacific  and  Far  Eastern  Problems 

A.  By  Japanese. 

Japan  and  World  Peace,  by  K.  K.  Kawa- 
kami,  196  pp.,  $1.50.  MacMillan  Co., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

Japan  and  the  California  Question,  by  T. 
Iyenaga,  250  pp.,  $2.50.  Putnam’s  Sons, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

California  and  the  Japanese,  by  K.  Kanzaki, 
98  pp.,  $.50,  Japanese  Association,  444 
Bush  Street,  San  Francisco. 


B.  By  Americans. 

What  Shall  I Think  of  Japan,  by  George 
Gleason,  285  pp.,  $2.25.  MacMillan  Co., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

Must  We  Fight  Japan?  by  W.  B.  Pitkin, 
536  pp.,  $2.50,  Century  Co.,  N.  Y. 

America’s  Stake  in  the  Far  East,  by  Chas. 
H.  Fahs,  165  pp.,  $1.35  (cloth),  $.95 
(paper),  Association  Press,  N.  Y. 

The  New  Map  of  Asia,  by  H.  A.  Gibbons, 
525  pp.,  $2.00,  Chautauqua  Press,  Chau- 
tauqua, N.  Y. 

American  Japanese  Relations,  by  Sidney  L. 
Gulick,  30  pp.,  $.25,  Federal  Council. 

III.  Lantern  Slides 

Information  about  a series  of  lantern  slides  that 
may  be  used  in  illustrating  discussions  on  the 
reduction  of  armaments  may  be  secured  from 
J.  A.  Rawson,  18  East  37th  Street,  New  York. 

A Children’s  Tageant,  by  Miss  Anna  Cope 
Evans.  (See  p.  5.) 


15 


Concrete  Suggestions 


What  can  individual  citizens  do  to  helfi  in  the 
reduction  of  armaments  ? 

1.  Accept  your  personal  responsibility  in  helping  your 
church  and  your  community  to  believe  in  the  practica- 
bility of  a warless  world. 

2.  Help  circulate  "A  Creed  for  Believers  in  a Warless 
World,'’  this  booklet,  and  other  relevant  literature. 

3.  Master  and  remember  the  facts,  figures  and  policies  given 
in  this  booklet  under  "Startling  Statistics,  ’ "Problems 
before  the  Conference’  and  "Important  Principles.’ 

4.  Write  individual  letters  to  your  two  Senators,  to  your 
• Representative  in  the  House  and  to  the  four  American 

members  m the  Conference.  Remember  that  resolutions 
passed  in  mass  meetings  or  signed  by  hundreds  or  even 
thousands  of  names,  though  valuable,  do  not  begin  to 
have  the  influence  with  legislators  that  individual  letters 
have  which  show  intelligent  knowledge,  deep  interest  and 
personal  conviction. 

5.  Unite  with  others  in  getting  the  Mayor  to  ask  all  citizens 
to  pause  for  two  minutes  at  noon  on  November  11,  for 
silent  prayer  for  God’s  blessing  not  only  on  our  beloved 
country,  but  also  on  the  International  Conference. 

6.  Talk  in  your  home  and  with  friends  about  the  Conference, 
being  equipped  for  such  conversation  by  the  information 
given  in  this  and  other  pamphlets  dealing  with  the  neces- 
sity for  an  immediate  reduction  of  armaments. 

7.  Write  short  letters  of  not  more  than  300-400  words  to 
your  local  newspapers.  Editors  as  a rule  are  glad  to  know 
what  their  readers  are  interested  in. 

8.  Let  Church  groups,  women's  clubs,  or  other  organizations 
ask  the  managers  of  local  motion  picture  houses  to  pre- 
pare and  use  each  afternoon  and  evening,  five  or  six  slides 
presenting  statistics  and  brief  quotations  on  the  question 
of  the  reduction  of  armaments. 

9.  Throughout  the  period  of  the  Conference  maintain  con- 

tinued attention  to  its  proceedings  and  continued  study 
of  international  problems  and  policies.  / 


i 


